By Henry Veltmeyer
The Eighties in Latin the US observed the implementation of a sweeping programme of financial reforms, both imposed as a for securing new loans or to embody the neoliberal doctrine of structural adjustment, the ideology of a newly shaped transnational capitalist category. in spite of the fact that, the structural adjustment programme additionally generated common resistance, specifically from in the renowned area of civil society. This e-book analyses either the politics of the adjustment strategy and the political dynamics of this resistance in Latin America.
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Additional info for Neoliberalism and Class Conflict in Latin America: A Comparative Perspective on the Political Economy of Structural Adjustment
In this model there is little interest in the purchasing power capacity and consumption of the working classes. or in the economic activities of the large numbers of independent micro, small and medium size enterprises that account for up to 93 per cent of all productive activity and 63 per cent of total employment in the not atypical case of Mexico. 8 As a result large sectors of these classes have been totally oppressed or marginalized by the process of structural adjustment- or 'productive transformation' to use the language of CEPAL (with little evidence of the increased equity promoted by this model).
3 million workers. 16 As a result of these developments, by the early 1990s the formal proletariat was reduced to but a shadow of its former self decimated numerically, weakened organizationally, and everywhere on the defensive, with a weak leadership accommodated to tripartite concertaciones, unable to mount any effective campaign or to mobilize any effective political forces against capital. It is in this context that we examine below the dynamics of organized labor, the nature of its response to the neoliberal agenda, the spreading and deepening of economic reforms.
In the case of Mexico, the wealth of the megamillionaires sprouted by privatization, and other neoliberal measures of the government increased at over 100 times the rate of increase of average income over the course of the Salinas administration, which privatized a staggering 1200 public enterprises :. _ incidentally the major source of attraction of the recent flood of foreign direct investment into the country. Over the same period, from 1989-93, another 400 000 were added to the number of indigents in the rural sector of Mexican society.